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Finally, the case under study has been the focus of social research, but not from the lens of US urban politics theories Palvarini and Tosi a, b. Stone , p. One important element of urban regimes is their continuity over time. Finally, regime governance is related to broad local economic development issues in the city. Partners drawn from government and nongovernmental sources, requiring but not limited to business participation;. Collaboration based on social production - the need to bring together fragmented resources for the power to accomplish tasks;.

Identifiable policy agendas that can be related to the composition of the participants in the coalition;. A longstanding pattern of cooperation rather than a temporary coalition. An agenda to address a distinct set of problems;. A governing coalition formed around the agenda, typically including both governmental and nongovernmental members;. Resources for the pursuit of the agenda, brought to bear by members of the governing coalition; and, given the absence of a system of command,. A scheme of cooperation through which the members of the governing coalition align their contribution to the task of governing.

Urban renewal was a political process at heart, which attempted to disaggregate opposition while holding support together [bolds by author]. For Stone, if only the elites and the rich can make claims on a strategic local agenda, then governance is not grounded on democratic representation.

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Such deficits imply that at least some portions of the local policy agenda may encounter social opposition at the project implementation stage. Firstly, it is too localistic, failing to account for inter-govermentality, i. Savitch and Kantor , among others, were specifically interested in how regimes bargained over local development, focusing on how politics and change was constrained by economics and how cities could work to secure inter-governmental support. Several Atlanta projects, including the Convention Center, are under the official auspices of the State of Georgia.

The key connection is that state officials, such as the state's governor see the economic health of the state tied up in how much Atlanta thrives private communication, 21 June Scholars such as Davies , and Wood , among others, are critical about the value of US urban theories in explaining European urban affairs. Unlike them, Mossberger and Stoker suggested that URT has considerably facilitated the analysis of urban politics beyond the formal institutions of government outside of North America. John and Cole , using a comparative analysis of urban politics in Leeds, UK and Lille, France conclude that non-institutional factors promoting regimes are local business ownership, business integration, large metropolitan context, and economic advantage or disadvantage.

Urban regimes arise as immature, unintended and uncoordinated outcomes of localized crisis-management strategies see Brenner or as well-organised informal coalitions that gain legitimacy through the inclusion of local authorities in leadership positions see e. Sapotichne and Smith further explore this view in their study of two new baseball stadiums, one in Chicago and another one in Seattle. They argue that, rather than simply placing structural limits on city officials, extra-urban institutions provide opportunities to local agents for advancing their policy goals, by showing how city-level actors sought extra-urban institutional support towards these projects.

Studying the Chicago case, Smith proposes a triangular frame involving the city, the state and a special purpose authority, within which urban politics evolves. As he notes p. This activity does not constitute membership in a regime, which as Stone instructs, is an informal cooperative arrangement that stays steady over long periods of time… With respect to the United States, the answer to the first part of this question is positive, although not researched specifically. Stone himself p.

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The only known difference between the US and European extra-urban structures applying to sports is that American leagues are exempt from antitrust laws and so they can form cartels controlling the entrance of new teams in a city Sag et al Sometimes sport teams threaten to leave their cities unless they build new stadia for them. European leagues follow the promotion-and-relegation system, which allows free entry of teams to a sports league upon achievement, so the cartel problem is non-existent. It begins by highlighting the main features of the Italian extra-urban institutional structure as regards both city planning powers and the organisation of sport, including construction of new private football stadia.

By its very nature, the case-study approach assumes a qualitative descriptive format with emphasis on exploration and content, thus offering flexibility and freedom to discovering issues as they arise in everyday political reality Yin Thus, a full netnographic approach see Kozinets was not viable. A semi-structured questionnaire was prepared for reference regarding:. The instrument was sent out in parts so that any doubt that might arise around a query could be resolved before embarking on to the next one.

In addition, the central government dictated regional and local affairs, as both regional governors and mayors were political appointees. After , regional governors were directly elected, but the national parties, having colonized the whole of the state apparatus, were able to control them Keating, Regional laws regulated changes of land use in urban areas.


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The first requires a more streamlined approval process that involves only the Province. The second is much more complex, requiring also the opinion of the Region. Thus, mayors had limited powers in deciding on matters of urban regeneration Burdett et al These laws played an important role in the economic and political transformation of Italian cities, as they placed the city comune at the centre of the institutional system, giving mayors legitimacy and weakening the capacities of the provincial and regional governments Maggi and Piperno , Ravazzi and Begllini Maggi and Piperno have pointed out that this favours the process of privatisation and the formation of powerful local affairs governance coalitions, although they feared this is not helped by the de-professionalization of politics - i.

The political system has mobilized to produce specific legislation promoting extremely facilitated procedures for the construction of such stadia.

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Only when it comes to construction has the Province a role. According to Ministerial Decrees of and of , the assessment of risks related to the conduct of sporting events, the inlet system of the spectators and the necessary steps to overcome contingent critical situations, are subject to the prior approval of the superintendent of the Province.

Although it did not turn into a law due to protracted discussions in Parliament, the Bill sought to encourage construction of new stadia and the refurbishment of existing facilities through two kinds of measures: simplifying administrative procedures in order to obtain building permits quickly, and providing financial incentives to the proposer. This specific ordinance, which took four years to materialize, constitutes now Italy's new stadium regulation.

As regards municipal areas, the city cannot transfer ownership or real rights of the surface area directly to sporting associations at market price, but through an open tendering procedure between the proposer and other market participants. A DLA Piper expert posits: …the procedure follows three steps a the interested party submits a feasibility study accompanied by a financial plan for the project, and a principal user agreement with one or more associations or clubs, to the municipality; b if the project is approved at this first stage, the municipality declares it to be of public interest within 90 days; c the final proposal is then submitted to the region or the municipality which will decide whether the project should go ahead, possibly making its approval conditional on any changes deemed necessary Inzaghi , p.

The Urban Politics of Juventus’ New Football Stadium

In addition, while the football community weighs strongly in Italian political affairs, the municipalities own football stadia and the economic crisis has impeded their renovation or replacement. Based on all of the above, the Italian extra-urban institutional structure has given Italian cities more freedom in managing local affairs, including the construction of new football stadia, and therefore favours the formation of regimes.


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  • Turin is the fourth-largest Italian city and capital of Turin province and the Piemonte Region. The family is also owner of Juventus FC since the early s Burdett et al This was once a rapport of power, true and absolute.

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    Politics was held by Fiat, the company, the church, everything. Fiat accompanied you from birth to the tomb. When a son was born to an employee, they gave a gift. There was a Fiat nursery, a Fiat school, summer camps for Fiat holidays. La Stampa and other great Turin dailies were owned by Fiat for years. On Sundays they went to see the Fiat-owned football team Juventus. They accompanied you for the whole arch of your life.

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    The monarchy of the Savoys was substituted by the Agnelli monarchy. It exercised a somewhat pre-emptive power strategy to make sure that nobody would do anything to bother it or stand as an obstacle in its way. The city faced a leadership vacuum and paralysis of the local administration throughout the s and s, which ended in when the Italian government appointed a city commissioner. The group was led by Valentino Castellani, Professor of Physics at Turin Polytechnic , a prestigious engineering college.

    Although he was active in the Christian and Social Left circles in Turin, he had no prior previous institutional experience other than being a member of the Italian Socialist Party for a couple of years in the early s. First, he worked closely with the Regional Authority and the Polytechnic School. However, in the April municipal elections he barely managed to win the second round with a marginal one per cent, awakening for him and his group.

    Fifty-seven public and private leaders signed the plan, which became the first strategic plan ever drafted by an Italian city. The infrastructural axis was the main spring for growth, with the Municipality, FIAT, the Association of builders, the National Railway Company and the Polytechnic and University involved as principal actors. The Municipality, the Region and bank foundations supported the other two axes. The resources all these actors contributed with included not only money but also skills, expertise, informal contacts, etc. Overall, the political and business circles of the city had finally managed to build a consensus, coming to establish a new pro-growth urban regime the led the city imposing its own agenda for a long period.

    Castellani served as Mayor two terms, from to , when Sergio Chiamparino, a professional politician from the socialist party, replaced him for the next two terms. Chiamparino maintained the alliance with the local elites and carried out the previously planned projects Belligni and Ravazzi Its purpose was to essentially negotiate - in favourable for itself terms - the transfer of its dismantled industrial sites to public institutions the Region and the Municipality especially. FIAT and the Agnelli family were also making sure that their friends received appointments in important managerial positions in public and semi-public organisations.

    Prior to the Castellani administration, in the s, the city had been selected to host the FIFA World Cup, so it decided to use Stadio Communale and also build a totally new stadium, the Stadio delle Alpi - an all-seater stadium but with a few problems such as poor visibility and high maintenance costs. Juventus always wanted to have a stadium of its own. In fact, it had proposed to the city a plan for a modern facility to host the FIFA Games but the council did not accept it.

    Juventus, unhappy with the delle Alpi, began to pressure the city for a new stadium unsuccessfully, threatening to relocate.

    In the words of a former city commissioner: The first formal threat to leave the city was in a letter signed by Giampiero Boniperti on 17 February , to which I answered with a letter on 22 February see Matteoli They reiterated the threat continuously, since then, with interviews and articles in La Stampa interview, 4 March One was the physical transformation of the city and the other the promotion of culture and leisure. Juventus, unhappy with this arrangement, came up with a fresh proposal to demolish the delle Alpi stadium and build a private facility in its place, completely new, consistent with the new philosophy of modern stadia as multifunctional venues.